Essay On Womens Movement

Women’s Movements in India!

The term “women’s movement” does not refer to any one single, unified movement, or entity. It is made of several movements based on a wide range of issues. It involves using of different approaches at various points of time. It is a term used in recognition of the “feel that all these movements” are working in some way or the other towards the eman­cipation of women.

These movements aim at reformulation of public life, the educational sphere, the workplace, and the home; in short, they aim at total transformation of soci­ety. Women’s movements can be termed as conscious and collective movements that try to deal with a set of problems and needs specific to women. These needs or problems are, in turn, created by a socio-cultural system that categorically puts them at a disadvantage in comparison to men. According to Urvashi Butalia.

Thousands of years ago, in 800 BC, legend has it that Gargi, a woman philosopher led a philosophical tournament in the court of the Hindu king Janaka. She challenged a newly arrived competitor, Yajnavalkya, a man. She is reported to have said: “Just as an expert archer attacks his enemy with piercing arrows, held at hand, so I assail you with two test questions. Answer them if you can”.

Defeated by the questions, Yajnavalkya took recourse to the same answer men have used for thousands of years: He told Gargi to-simply shut up. Thousands of years later, the number of challenges thrown up by women to men who have for long held the reigns, of power, has multiplied many times over.

There is no lon­ger one Gargi, standing alone in an assembly of men and posing two questions. Instead, Gargi’s descendents run into thousands. They have thousands of questions, and they no longer stand-alone. Nor are they any longer willing to be shut up.

According to Rajendra Singh, any theoretical perspective for studying women’s movements and their strategy should include the following propositions:

In general, resistance and protests against unjust structures of power and the insti­tutions of patriarchy and patriarchal oppression of women begins with the oppressions themselves. These oppressions are ever-present and ubiquitous (widespread).

Conscious rejection of injustice and resistance to the practices of oppression generally pass through phases of open manifestation of resistance and latent phases (when overt resistance is not visible). These phases depend upon the historical experi­ences of societies.

These forms of resistance—manifest and latent—determine the methods, strategies, and techniques adopted by women to fight for their identity, dignity, self-defence, and social justice. Sometimes, women’s movements contain a “zone of silent war” waged by women to gain control over men in everyday life.

Women have put up resistance because of generally silent and unorganized disenchantments, suppressed feelings of rejection, and of gender injustice in the patriarchal societies. These factors have led women to oppose erosion of identity at an individual level, and can result in an organized outburst taking the form of manifest women’s move­ments.

They may remain dormant in terms of organized movements, but active at the individual level, and make a conscious use of a whole range of methods such as arts, ruses and moves against men. These methods are generally practised by women on men for coping with the day-to-day situations of oppression.

For any individual resistance to become an organized open movement, it has to pass through different stages of maturation. This process involves sharing of individual experiences of resistance with other individuals who are placed in similar life situations. This also includes a phase where the resistance is made obvious or becomes an exterior issue, and a collective group emerges.

An ideology that rejects the negatively defined authority, leadership, mobilization, and communication emerges. The progress from an unorganized and silent individual resistance to an open and organized women’s move­ment is uneven and difficult. It is also difficult for an individual resistor to become a part of an organized movement.

In the everyday life situations of women in the male-dominated world of most contemporary societies, the art of resistance at the individual level, as well as organized collective movements coexist and even work simultaneously, though they may be con­flicting practices and processes.

The women’s studies of the 1970s and 1980s shifted focus from the perspective of family, marriage, socialization, or social status to treating them as autonomous human beings. The emphasis today is on women’s identity, consciousness, their subjectivity, and the bio-psychological foundations of their personality.

The feminist movement in the United States and abroad was a social and political movement that sought to establish equality for women. The movement transformed the lives of many individual women and exerted a profound effect upon American society throughout the twentieth century. During the first two decades of the century, women's groups in the United States worked together to win women's suffrage, culminating in the ratification of a constitutional amendment in 1920 that guaranteed women the right the vote. During the later twentieth century, women's groups would again band together, this time to formulate and advocate for the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA). Though this proposed constitutional amendment ultimately failed to gain approval in the late 1970s, it became a rallying point for diverse women's groups and drew national attention to the feminist cause.

The period between 1917 and the early 1960s was marked by two world wars and a subsequent economic boom that brought many American women into the workplace, initially to provide labor during the war, and then to help achieve and maintain a new higher standard of living enjoyed by many middle-class families. However, as women joined the workforce they became increasingly aware of their unequal economic and social status. Women who were homemakers, many with college educations, began to articulate their lack of personal fulfillment—what Betty Friedan in her enormously influential The Feminine Mystique (1963) called "the problem that has no name."

Other events in the United States, notably the civil rights movement, contributed to the rise of the feminist movement. During the early 1960s, the civil rights movement gathered momentum, aided by new anti-racist legislation, and reached a major goal in 1964 with the passage of the Civil Rights Act. Many feminists interpreted the ban on racial discrimination, established by the Civil Rights Act, to apply to gender discrimination as well. The student movement was also at its height in the 1960s, leading many younger citizens to question traditional social values and to protest against American military involvement in Vietnam. Feminist groups followed the example set by these movements, adopting the techniques of consciousness raising, protests, demonstrations, and political lobbying in order to further their own agenda.

The founding of the National Organization for Women (NOW) in 1966 marked the formation of an official group to represent and campaign for women's concerns. Leaders such as Friedan, Bella Abzug, Shirley Chisholm, and Gloria Steinem pressured politicians to become aware of women's concerns and to work on legislation that would improve the quality of women's lives. At the same time, many other organizations emerged to deal with feminist causes, including the National Abortion and Reproductive Rights Action League, National Displaced Homemakers, the battered women's movement, the Women's Equity Action League, Women Organized for Employment, and Women Office Workers. In the early 1970s feminist leaders also established a detailed program of proposed political and legal reforms, and in 1975 the National Women's Agenda was presented to President Gerald Ford, all state governors, and all members of Congress. In 1977, feminists organized a National Women's Conference in Houston, where they drafted an action plan that included twenty-six resolutions; the plan was subsequently distributed to government officials to remind them of their responsibility to female constituents. NOW and the newly organized National Women's Political Caucus worked to influence politicians and legislators while continuing their effort to keep women's issues prominent in the media.

During the 1980s, American society was colored by an increasingly conservative political climate and the feminist movement experienced a backlash within their ranks and from anti-feminist detractors. Feminism had always been criticized for being a predominantly white, upperclass movement and for its failure to adequately understand and represent the concerns of poor, African-American, and Hispanic women. The movement had already splintered in the 1970s along the lines of liberal feminists, who focused on the rights of women as individuals; radical feminists, who aligned themselves with revolutionary groups, viewing women as a disenfranchised class of citizens; and lesbians, who had been very much a part of the early feminist movement, but now found more in common with the gay liberation movement. Legislative gains achieved in the 1970s—notably Congress's passing of the ERA amendment and key judicial decisions, chief among them Roe v. Wade, which guaranteed women's reproductive rights—were under attack by conservative and religious antiabortion coalitions and an organized anti-ERA effort led by Phyllis Schlafly. Some state legislatures backtracked under pressure, overturning or diluting court decisions made in the previous decade. President Ronald Reagan also made his opposition to the ERA public. Due to a combination of political and social factors, the amendment failed to pass in the individual states. In addition, some women who had subscribed to the tenets of the feminist movement now voiced their displeasure at being negatively labeled anti-male and expressed regret at the loss of personal security that traditional women's roles offer. Their concerns echoed in the neoconservative writings of authors such as Naomi Wolf, Susan Faludi, and Camille Paglia.

Nevertheless, feminists pressed on, maintaining pressure on legislators to address women's issues such as reproductive rights, pay equity, affirmative action, sexual harassment, and the handling of rape victims in the courts. In retrospect, the early 1960s has been termed the "first wave" of the feminist movement, and the activists of the 1970s and 1980s have been called the "second wave." In the 1990s there emerged a "third wave" of feminists, still concerned with many of the same problems as their predecessors, but now wishing to work from within the political and legal establishments rather than criticizing them from the outside. This mostly younger generation of feminists would also stress the need to broaden the scope of feminism, emphasizing global networking, human rights, worldwide economic justice, and issues pertaining to race, gender, and class.

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